The Triple Purpose of Zhang Zai’s Scholarship:A Study of His Four Ontological Goals
Zhang Zijun❋
Abstract: Zhang Zai, holding that Daoxue and statecraft are inseparable, set up his own theoretical system consisting of the dao , learning, and administration. The most explicit expression of Zhang’s theoretical system is his statement of the four ontological goals.Through textual analysis, this paper attempts to distinguish the different versions of the four ontological goals, clarify how Zhang constructs his theory of the dao , learning, and administration, and learn about his governance-oriented purpose as his realistic concern.From the four aspects of the mind, the dao , learning, and eternal peace revealed in his four ontological goals, we can conclude that Zhang’s philosophy has a triple purpose that integrates spirit—responsibility (benevolent mind), value—knowledge (the dao and its learning), and purpose—appeal (eternal peace).
Keywords: Zhang Zai, four ontological goals, mind, dao , learning, administration
Current studies of Zhang Zai 张载 (a.k.a. Hengqu 横渠, 1020—1077) and other Neo-Confucians focus mainly on analyzing and differentiating their purely philosophical categories,which are, as Yu Ying-shih 余英时 asserted, “various debates over daot i 道体 (the substance of the dao ).”1 Yu Ying-shih 余英时, The Historical World of Zhu Xi: A Study of the Political Culture of the Scholar-Officials in the Song Dynasty [朱熹的历史世界——宋代士大夫政治文化的研究] (Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2011), 8. Yet little new ground has been broken with regard to the realistic concerns of their theories, that is, the purposes and implications of their metaphysical pursuits. However,Zhang made it clear that Daoxue 道学 (the academic pursuit of the dao ) and the actual administration of a country are inseparable,2 Zhang Zai 张载, “Letter in Reply to Fan Xunzhi” [答范巽之书], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai [张载集], ed. Zhang Xichen 章锡琛 (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1978), 349. which indicates that the dao 道 (the Way), xue 学 (learning), and zheng 政 (administration), the three aspects constituting his theory, are not unrelated. Zhang’s theory is a system of interactive value, doctrine, and political governance,and this judgment serves as the key to seeking for a correct understanding of his philosophy.
就基层社会权威结构而言，由于人民调解本身需要在一定的权威结构下进行和完成，否则无法令当事人信服达到有效调解。但改革开放以来，随着城市化进程的推进，大量具有高学历、高素质的“能人”通过劳动力转移等方式从农村进入城市，传统乡村社会权威结构发生改变，传统的乡贤结构不复存在。新的基层社会治理体系中的管理者及“乡贤”等大多是经行政任命、考试录用等方式组建起来的，在这种情况下人民调解的普遍公信力大大降低。就相关调研来看，发生纠纷之后，人们更多喜欢去找公安派出所，之后才是找人民调解委员会，选择人民法院来起诉则是最后的选项。
In essence, the overall purpose of Zhang’s philosophy finds expression most directly in his statement of the four ontological goals, that is, “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind, to reveal the dao for the populace, to restore the past sages’ vanished learning, and to open up eternal peace for the future (为天地立心，为生民立道，为去圣继绝学，为万世开太平).”3 Zhang Zai, Recorded Conversations of Master Zhang [张子语录], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 349. The four categories of the mind (xin 心), the dao, learning,and eternal peace (taiping 太平) mentioned here constitute the basic framework of Zhang’s philosophy as a system, which reflect three mutually penetrating aspects, that is, spirit—responsibility (benevolent mind), value—knowledge (the dao and its learning), and purpose—appeal (administration and eternal peace). Therefore, his statement of those four goals is an important path to understanding the purpose of his philosophy. Only when the theoretical construction of Zhang’s philosophy has been clarified will it be possible to avoid the defect caused by the obsession with the debates over the substance of the dao to the neglect of revealing his academic purpose.
Distinguishing the Versions of the Four Ontological Goals[Refer to page 73 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
Since different versions of Zhang’s four ontological goals have been passed down, it is a precondition for an accurate understanding of his thought to return to his original version.The main bones of contention in the different versions are the wording of the first three goals:namely, 为天地立心 or 为天地立志; 为生民立道, 为生民立命, or 为生民立极; and 为往圣继绝学 or 为去圣继绝学? Of them, the literal gap between wangsheng 往圣 (past sages)and qusheng 去圣 (bygone sages) is negligible for there is little difference between their meanings. However, the difference between lixin 立心 and lizhi 立志 or that between lidao立道, liming 立命, and liji 立极 is quite significant, calling for an effort to differentiate them and decide on the most reliable of them.
Lixin or Lizhi? [73]
There are two main versions of the first goal. One is found in the Collected Works of Zhang Zai [张载集] edited by Zhang Xichen 章锡琛 (1889—1969) and published by the Zhonghua Book Company. This edition of Collected Works of Zhang Zai was based on the Complete Works of Master Zhang [张子全书] reprinted by Song Ting’e 宋廷蕚 (fl.1784—1785) in the early Qing dynasty from the officially printed edition edited by Shen Zizhang 沈自彰 (fl. 1601—1617) in Fengxiang (in present-day Shaanxi Province) during the Wanli period of the Ming dynasty. Since Shen’s edition was rife with errors, Zhang Xichen tried to improve it by referring to some other books such as the Song dynasty edition of Recorded Conversations of Master Zhang [张子语录] and Collected Writings of the Northern Song Dynasty [宋文鉴],4 Zhang Dainian 张岱年, “On the Thought and Works of Zhang Zai” [关于张载的思想和著作], in vol. 5 of Complete Works of Zhang Dainian [张岱年全集] (Shijiazhuang: Hebei People’s Publishing House, 2007), 156. and worded the first goal as “为天地立志” (to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s intent). The other version, “为天地立心” (to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind), can be found in some pieces of literature such as Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao [诸儒鸣道], Reflections onThings at Hand [近思录], and Records of Song and Yuan Scholars [宋元学案]. Thus, as both versions were based on Zhang Zai’s texts, we have to analyze the difference between them and attempt to decide which is more reliable.
First, with regard to the dates when their compilations were completed, both Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao and Reflections on Things at Hand are earlier than Complete Works of Master Zhang, and therefore, the lixin 立心 recorded in the first two works is more reliable than the lizhi 立志 in the third one.
Second, judging from Zhang Zai’s own texts, lixin is more advisable than lizhi. Though he discussed repeatedly the importance of zhi 志 (intent) to administering a country and conducting oneself, he spoke of lizhi mainly in relation to the steps by which Confucian officials pursue learning and its scope. He did not mention “Heaven and Earth’s intent” or“Heaven’s intent.” Therefore, there is no evidence that can be found inside his texts for the option of lizhi.
Third, from Zhang’s writings, we can find that he mentioned “the mind of Heaven and Earth” several times, which can serve as internal evidence (we will analyze it at length later)for lixin. Obviously, it is more reasonable to decide on lixin for the first goal.
In the thousand and more years after Mencius, the doctrine of the dao remained in the dark. Today, there is again someone who knows it. If Heaven had not intended to shed light on it, it would not have had anyone today know it. Since it has let someone know the doctrine, it seems to be by principle that light is shed on it again.12 Zhang Zai, Assembled Principles of Classical Learning [经学理窟], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 274.
Lidao, Liming, or Liji? [74]
When it comes to the second goal, the three variant versions, that is, lidao 立道 (to build up or reveal the dao), liming 立命 (to build up the mandate), and liji 立极 (to build up the ultimate standard), will be discussed here. Of them, the earliest is lidao, which appeared first in Collected Confucian Discourses on the Dao, printed before 1168. In addition, it is also mentioned in Ref l ections on Things at Hand, edited by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130—1200) and Lü Zuqian 吕祖谦 (1137—1181), who got from Wang Yingchen 汪应辰 (1118—1176) an edition they had never seen before.5 Lü Zuqian 吕祖谦, Collected Works of Lü Zuqian [吕东莱太史文集], in book 62 of Series of Rare Editions of Song Dynasty Works [宋集珍本丛刊] (Beijing: Thread-Binding Books Publishing House, 2004), 319. Since that edition was in the family collection possessed by one of Zhang Zai’s descendants, it was of high value as a reference to Zhu and Lü when they compiled Ref l ections on Things at Hand. So, justifiably, lidao is the most reliable.
As far as their distribution is concerned, liming is the most widely disseminated and many later scholars cited it in their academic works. Chen Chun 陈淳 (1159—1223), a disciple of Zhu Xi, was the first to mention liming and after him, Wen Tianxiang 文天祥(1236—1283), a statesman of the late Southern Song dynasty, went on with the doctrine of liming. As for the reasons why they dwelt on liming, one lies in the Southern Song political crisis, which aroused a strong sense of responsibility in the scholars of the time. This can be verified by the four ontological goals themselves. The other reason has to do with the official prohibition of Neo-Confucianism in the late Southern Song. Fearing that they would be persecuted and totally banned, the Neo-Confucians replaced the character dao 道 with ming命. It turned out that, after the prohibition was lifted, lidao was replaced by liming which had been already in wide distribution for many years.
The third version is liji, which was often talked about among the Southern Song Neo-Confucians. In his Ultimate Discourses on Past and Present Origins and Developments [古今源流至论], Lin Jiong 林駉 expounds liji in more than twenty places and dwells on “to build up the ultimate standard for the populace” five or six times. However, there is no solid evidence available for connecting liji directly with the four goals, and so we accept it only as a possible variant.6 Xiao Farong 肖发荣, “A New Probe into the Evolution of the Editions of Hengqu’s Four Ontological Goals and the Spirits of Times Reflected in Them” [“立道”、“立极”、“立命”新探——“横渠四为句”的版本流变及其时代精神], New Horizons from Tianfu [天府新论], no. 4 (2014): 142—147; Li Rui 李锐, “A Brief Textual Study of Hengqu’s Four Ontological Goals” [“横渠四句教”小考], Journal of Historiography [ 史学史研究], no. 3 (2017):122—123.
In a word, on the basis of the above analysis of the relationship between editions as well as the textual evidence, we conclude that lixin and lidao are the more reliable readings for the four ontological goals. Since the Song dynasty, Zhang Zai’s statement of the four ontological goals has been kept in mind by Chinese intellectuals.
Zhang Zai’s Philosophical Purpose Ref l ected in His Four Ontological Goals [75]
The four aspects of the mind, the dao, learning, and eternal peace mentioned in Zhang Zai’s statement of the four goals constitute the overall structure of his philosophy. Those four aspects, essentially, ref l ect his considerations on the dao, learning, and administration,indicating his realistic concern in his metaphysical thinking. Conveyed by Zhang’s four ontological goals is a strong sense of mission and responsibility which bears closely on his philosophy. Therefore, by delving into the four ontological goals, we can gain a better understanding of the purpose of his philosophy and avoid having ourselves preoccupied too much with debates only over the metaphysical issue of the substance of the dao to the neglect of the inner concern of his philosophy.
Lixin as the Root of Responsibility [75]
Zhang once asserted, “The sage possesses ren 仁 (benevolence) so that he is able to carry forward the dao .”15 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes , 189. This makes clear the path toward constructing the dao by lifting the benevolent mind. Specifically, the Confucian spirit of taking on responsibility for benefiting the country and saving the people can be aroused by the benevolence displayed in lixin , and hence their pursuit of the dao for setting things right can be further motivated.Thus, from “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” to “to open up eternal peace,” Zhang formulate s a coherent and consistent academic system.
Generally speaking, as regards the mind of Heaven and Earth, since the great virtue of Heaven and Earth is giving and maintaining life, what takes giving and maintaining life as fundamental is the mind of Heaven and Earth. . . . Human virtue and nature are also in accord with that.7 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes [横渠易说], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 113.
The mission of the intellectuals in the Song dynasty, the Neo-Confucians in particular, was to reconstruct and revitalize Confucianism by revealing the dao . Therefore, to restore the vanished learning is, actually, to manifest and effect the dao .
Here he regarded the mind for giving and maintaining life as the mind of Heaven and Earth, and he held that, when following the example of Heaven and Earth displaying the benevolence of giving and maintaining life, the sage also manifested his or her mind of great virtue to save the people. Kong Yingda 孔颖达 (574—648) explained that great virtue as “meaning that the sage is endowed with virtue like that of Heaven and Earth which give life to the myriad things.”8 Zhang Wenzhi 张文智 and Wang Qiming 汪启明, eds., Collected Explanations of the Book of Changes [周易集解],vol. 15 (Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2004), 235. However, Kong and Zhang are different in that Kong applied an outside—in model in simulating Heaven and Earth’s virtue and thereby deducing the relationship between Heaven and humankind, attributing the origin of human virtue and nature to a posteriori cultivation, while Zhang’s was an inside—out model in that, to him, humankind is endowed with the mind of Heaven and Earth in the generation and transformation of the universe and since that mind is inherent, what humankind needs is only the stimulation of that mind so as to produce naturally virtuous behavior, thus identifying Heaven’s mind with the sage’s benevolent mind.
Heaven and Earth’s mind is prior to the sage’s mind, but, in spite of its a priori existence, it has to depend on humankind “to build it up” before it can be manifested. This means that only by human effort can “the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” be made possible, and thus that “the mind” in the sense of naturally giving and maintaining life acquires human moral and spiritual value.9 See Lin Lechang 林乐昌, “To Build up the Manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s Mind: A New Explanation of Zhang Zai’s Four Ontological Goals” [“为天地立心”——张载“四为句”新释], Philosophical Researches [哲学研究],no. 5 (2009): 58—63. Zhang’s original purpose is to establish for human society the supreme spirit for its self-commitment and value on the level of the heavenly dao.
“To build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” expresses explicitly the responsibility Confucians should take on, and this spirit represents the value cherished by Zhang Zai and other Confucian officials. When speaking of the Confucian sage’s mind, he summarizes it by: “He makes up his mind to take on the responsibility for his country and people.”10 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes , 77. It can be known from this passage that Zhang’s lixin indicates the value and spirit of traditional Chinese scholar-officials who set their minds on saving the people. Such spirit is inevitably conveyed by an academic system of value, that is, Zhang’s elucidation on thedao and learning.
Lidao for Establishing the Value System [76]
As recorded in “A Brief Biography of Master Hengqu” [横渠先生行状], Zhang Zai met Cheng Hao 程颢 (1032—1085) and Cheng Yi 程颐 (1033—11 Lü Dalin 吕大临, “A Brief Biography of Master Hengqu” [横渠先生行状], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 381—382.07) for the first time in Kaifeng,the capital of the Song dynasty, during the Jiayou period (1056—1063) and discussed with them the essentials of Neo-Confucianism. That brought forth a completely fresh confidence in himself. As he said with a sigh, “my doctrine of the dao is self-contained.”11 Their meeting marks a major turning point in Zhang’s scholarly career.
In his later declaration of the four ontological goals is contained his idea of revealing the dao , for it is an integral part of them. He once said,
(2) 在单一冻融下，混凝土的相对动弹性模量表现为逐渐降低；在单一硫酸盐侵蚀、冻融与硫酸盐侵蚀耦合作用下，混凝土试样的相对动弹性模量出现了开始小幅度增加之后又逐步减小的趋势。
When Zhu Xi read Zhang’s four ontological goals, he cited those words and commented,“All those words indicate Master Zhang seeing himself as the inheritor of the Confucian doctrine of the dao .”13 Li Youwu 李幼武, ed., vol. 4 of Additional Records of Words and Deeds of Song Dynasty Famous Officials [宋名臣言行录外集], in book 449 of Complete Library in Four Branches of Literature [文渊阁四库全书] (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1987), 684. Zhu’s observation makes clear the direct connection between Zhang’s four ontological goals and the doctrine of Confucianism.
According to Zhang, the doctrine of the dao as a type of value remained in oblivion for too long a time and it is the important mission of his contemporary Confucians to pursue the dao and reconstruct the Confucian doctrine of the dao once again. That doctrine of thedao is not only an important topic in the Song Confucians’ academic discourses, but also represents the only way by which the scholar-officials benefit their country and people.Zhang’s doctrine of the dao blends both knowledge and value. He says, “When one looks toward the dao yet cannot see it, let him look toward the prevalent peace and tranquility,”14 Zhang Zai, Recorded Conversations of Master Zhang , 349. seeking to have the country ruled by the dao , which indicates that his doctrine of the dao serves ultimately the purpose “to open up eternal peace for the future.”
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Zhang Zai said,
The pursuit of the dao as articulated by Zhang connects with the benevolent and righteous mind of the Confucians, and aims to carry forward the dao through building up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind. To him, only by grasping the metaphysical and transcendental dao with regard to governance rather than sticking only to empirical skills and tactics can the eternal peace be surely opened up. Thus, how to understand thedao in regard to governance is the key to attaining that eternal peace. Actually, Daoxue is seeking for the ultimate, that is, a pursuit of restoring the vanished learning (ji juexue 继绝学).
Ji Juexue for Constructing the System of Knowledge [77]
据文献记载[5]，研究区奥陶系中统岩层与石炭系中统岩层的接触关系为沉积平行不整合接触，奥陶系灰岩上覆杂色、砖红色砾岩[5]或铝土岩.但实地考察发现，在本区郝家房西北山上存在奥陶系中统岩层与石炭系中统岩层之间为断层面的上、下盘接触，即奥陶系中统岩层与石炭系中统岩层之间为断层，下盘是奥陶系中统岩层，上盘是石炭系中统岩层.说明本研究区地质条件比较复杂，有关学者可来此作沉积环境及地应力分析等进一步的学术研究工作.
一般来说,并没有完全统一的模块划分的原则,研究对象不同,侧重点不同,划分的模块也不相同.在模块化设计中,必须结合设备的实际情况,从系统角度出发,应用系统分析方法,以功能分析、分解为基础进行划分,才能达到最好效果.
红安位于大别山南麓，是“黄麻起义”的策源地和红四方面军的诞生地，是举世闻名的“将军县”，是湖北省确定的“全省最重要的革命传统教育基地”，同时也是全国红色旅游30条精品线路和100个经典景区之一。
Zhang’s idea of revealing the dao brings home the overall purpose of learning. Thedao and learning are closely related in that learning targets the dao , which is stored up by learning; the dao is revealed by learning, which can be distributed widely because of the dao it stores up, hence the name Daoxue . What worried Zhang was that, after Confucius and Mencius, “the Confucian learning vanished and the dao was lost”16 Fan Yu 范育, “Foreword of Correcting Youthful Ignorance ” [正蒙序], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 4. and consequently “later Confucians were given to clamoring for this or that but ignorant of returning to simplicity,inquiring into the origin to the utmost, and mustering up courage to revive learning.”17 Zhang Zai, “Letter to Zhao Daguan” [与赵大观书], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 350. To restore the vanished learning highlights Zhang’s determination to revitalize Confucianism.
After such a clarification of the value of revealing the dao , the next step is to reveal the dao by pursuing learning. Zhang’s progression from the dao to learning demonstrates his going deeper along the logical levels in his academic construction. He says, “When I advocate restoring the vanished learning, I also desire to accomplish a well-ordered doctrine.”19 Zhang Zai, Recorded Conversations of Master Zhang , 329. This means that what he constructed for the learning of the dao was an academic system with clearly defined deeply-penetrating levels. The dao and its learning therein represents the realization of a philosophy dedicated to probing “the dao issuing from the transformation of qi 气 (vital energy)” where “the subtle principle of the great dao ”dwells, in the sense that, through studying the great dao , Zhang constructs his learningbased interpretation of the subtle dao , attempting to build up for the world “the great standard which is central and impartial to the utmost.”20 Fan, “Foreword of Correcting Youthful Ignorance ,” 5.
The learning inherited by Zhang not only conveyed the cultural mission of his contemporary scholar-officials to revitalize Confucianism, but also, by cultural interpretation and construction, laid the academic foundation of an appeal for political change and a better order to reality. In this regard the Neo-Confucians were surprisingly unanimous. For example, Cheng Yi interpreted the dao , learning, and administration as a system bearing on order. He says,
在众多的文学作品中，故事的发展脉络和设置的情节是最能够展现人物具体形象的，我们可以从故事的发展脉络中深刻感受到作品从人物的性格特点、家庭背景、人物关系等入手。在高中语文的阅读教学中，教师需要辅助学生熟读文章，理清故事发展的脉络，在描写中深刻感知人物的具体形象。以人教版高一语文必修一第四单元中《包身工》的学习为例。教师首先要求学生通读全文，对文章有一个大致的了解。
After the Duke of Zhou passed away, the dao of the sages was not effected any longer;After Mencius died, the learning of the sages was not passed down any longer. With the dao not in effect, there was no good rule for a hundred generations; with the learning not passed down, there was no true Confucian for a thousand years.21 Cheng Yi, “Inscription on the Tombstone for Master Mingdao” [明道先生墓表], in vol. 11 of Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, Collected Works of the Chengs of Henan [河南程氏文集], in Collected Works of the Two Chengs [二程集], ed.Wang Xiaoyu 王孝鱼 (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1981), 640.
“他要是转一圈最后还是觉得权筝好，咱们落埋怨事小，权筝到时候名花有主了怎么办？”何西客观地分析着，不但是阻止何北闯祸，也是在说服自己。
试验所用试样尺寸为150 mm×100 mm，实验设备为Instron 9350型数字化落锤试验机。落锤的顶部半圆直径
Then, how is Zhang’s learning constructed? Traditional Chinese scholarship is constructed on the basis of the Confucian classics. From the time of the Han dynasty (206 BC E—220 CE), the academic system based on the Five Classicsii was established, and in the Southern Song dynasty, the academic system based on the Four Booksiii was completed.The Confucian classics and their interpretation constituted the basic means of discussing and inheriting Confucianism. As regards the learning of the dao advocated by Zhang, his doctrine was also constructed through explaining the Confucian classics. Both Zhang and the two Cheng brothers, who constructed their learning by interpreting Confucian classics and writing books to expound their theories, indicate their path into the field of political governance by way of the cultural activity of interpreting Confucian classics.
Zhang’s advocacy of the dao is mainly characterized by his distinctive conceptual categories and train of thought. From the generative and ontological viewpoints, he lifts Confucian statecraft to the height of the heavenly dao and thereby builds up a philosophical system that features vital energy-based transformation. Highlighting the dao issuing from the transformation of vital energy, his philosophy resolves the problem with Confucian statecraft, that is, its lack of universal applicability, and displays its concern with order in the following three respects.
First, with his vital energy-based cosmology, he criticizes the Buddhist illusionism and Daoist theory of non-being, thus clarifying the substance of the training in rites and music pursued by Confucianism. Zhang said, “When it is understood that the vacuity, the void,is nothing but vital energy, then existence and nonexistence, the hidden and the manifest,spirit and eternal transformation, and human nature and destiny are all one and not a duality.” In light of his definition of the vacuity as vital energy, both the Buddhists’ taking the substantial for the empty and the empty for the true, and the Daoists’ taking non-being for the substance and the source from which being arises, reveal their heretical essence,“being obscured by one-sided doctrines and falling into extremes.”22
Why is learning so important? As far as the logic underlying Zhang’s academic construction goes, he began with the mind of taking on responsibility and aimed to reveal the dao to the populace. In this sense, the dao is that which “formulated laws and implemented benevolent government in olden times,”18 Zhang Zai, Correcting Youthful Ignorance [正蒙], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 37. and the ancient line of its inheritance is from Fuxi, through Shennong, Huangdi, Yao, Shun, and Yu, to Tang.i According to Zhang, what was inherited and handed down is learning, which contains the dao pursued by the ancient sage-kings in the far remote ages, which were golden ages in terms of the Confucian values. Zhang’s understanding of the inheritance of learning indicates the close relationship between his concept of the dao and actual governance.
Second, from the viewpoint of the vital energy-based generation and transformation of the universe, Zhang defines human value. In his opinion, vital energy in the original state of vacuity is absolutely tranquil and pure, and that vital energy congeals into material force,which congeals into humankind, and so humankind is also endowed with that absolute tranquility and purity, that is, the original human nature as identified by Confucianism.With the vital energy-based generation and transformation Zhang solves the problem of the essence of human nature, thus providing a support and justification of the possibility of a social order governed by Confucian rites and ethics.
中国共产党的发展道路异常艰难曲折，从一个只有几十人的小党发展到现在拥有近九千万党员的大党，中国共产党人凭借着坚定理想、百折不挠的奋斗精神克服了种种困难，始终牢记着为民族谋复兴的历史使命。
Third, the vital energy, of necessity, congeals to become the myriad things in the universe,and from the angle of generating and being generated, that means “in all things, big or small,dwells the dao ,”23 Zhang Zai, “Supplements on Nature and Principle” [性理拾遗], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai , 374. so vital energy (the dao ) plays the function of governing the myriad things.
To Open up Eternal Peace: An Appeal for Order and Purpose [79]
The previous studies in this regard have paid more attention to speculating on the concepts underlying Zhang’s four ontological goals than to what he drives at with his doctrine, and consequently little has been clarified of the ultimate purpose of his learning.
Starting from pondering on cosmology and the generation of the myriad things, Zhang constructs his doctrine dedicated to the learning of the dao , and in thus doing, his purpose is to criticize Buddhism and Daoism, particularly concepts such as illusionism, non-being, and emptiness, in an attempt to arouse the spirit of the scholar-officials to take on responsibility for the dao . His pursuit of the dao is not only a matter of pure knowledge and scholarship but rather “ultimately concerns human affairs.”24 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes , 181. He connects such philosophical concepts as the dao and substance with the rites and music in regard to social governance, avoiding“separating substance and function completely,”25 Zhang Zai, Correcting Youthful Ignorance , 8. and deepens the spirit—responsibility (to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind) and value—knowledge (to reveal the dao and to restore the vanished learning) to the purpose—appeal for administration (to open up eternal peace), displaying his great personality as a Confucian devoted to abolishing deceitful practices, saving his people, and benefiting his country.
In brief, Zhang’s cosmological theory, which is based on the transformation of vital energy, not only provides an explanation of the universe and nature, but also represents a development of Confucian thought on the interconnection between Heaven and humankind entering gradually into the governance of political and social life. To him, the order ruled by the heavenly dao is no longer something external, but rather takes in the spirit of humanity and makes laws for the human order. For example, Zhang attributes the order of governance under the ancient sage-kings to their “modeling themselves onqian 乾 (Heaven) and kun 坤 (Earth).”26 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes , 212. This shows that he tried to map Heaven and Earth onto human society and to construct an integrated order of the world. According to Jiang Guanghui 姜广辉, in Correcting Youthful Ignorance [正蒙], Zhang expounds a world view with a holistic dynamic equilibrium, and the taihe 太和 (great harmony) in his first sentence“the great harmony is called the dao ” implies holistic harmony.27 Jiang Guanghui 姜广辉, Neo-Confucianism and Chinese Culture [理学与中国文化] (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1994), 389. Such harmony and its holism are, actually, an abstract expression of the actual order. In this sense, we can be certain that “the Great Harmony is the supreme harmony, that is, the dao which generates the cosmic order,”28 Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, The Metaphysical Principle of the Mind and Nature [心体与性体] (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1999), 437. and that the natural order of the heavenly dao is the manifestation of the vital energy’s transformation, which lays the rational foundation for the human order.
To sum up, the discourse of the four ontological goals not only symbolizes the Song Confucians’ lofty ideal and spiritual pursuit, but also contains a complete statement for reestablishing the order of the Song dynasty. It conveys the realistic appeal that was quite widespread among the intellectuals: With the support from the state power, efforts should be made to restore order, and that, specifically, means extending laws to rites and customs,and upgrading rites and customs to laws so as to re-establish the ideology, ethics, and rules over life.29 Ge Zhaoguang 葛兆光, An Intellectual History of China [中国思想史], vol. 2 (Shanghai: Fudan University Press,2001), 309. When Zhang and the Cheng brothers explained the Confucian rites by resorting to principle, they attempted to argue for the value of those rites from the height of a metaphysical philosophical ontology,30 for, as they saw it, only by taking statecraft aimed at realizing peace and tranquility into the discussion of Neo-Confucianism (the learning of the dao) can it be possible for them to attain truly the universal principle above individual experience and ultimately the unification of the theory of governance and statecraft.
Summary [80]
As Zhang Zai believed that the learning of the dao and administration are inseparable, we can conclude that (1) the mind, which bears on spirit and responsibility, is the starting point for the Confucians’ actions; (2) universal peace and order, which pertain to purpose and appeal, is what they pursue by their actions in reality; (3) the dao and its learning, which concern value and knowledge, serve as the bridge connecting the former two. In this regard,previous studies addressed mostly the issue of learning, paying little attention to probing the issue of administration. Consequently, they failed to clarify the connection between “Heaven,the dao, human nature, and destiny” and “what Confucians should speak of is but the human affairs.”31 Zhang advocated the unification of Heaven, the dao, human nature, and destiny, and the realistic concern with human society, and developed a philosophical system truly connecting Heaven and humankind. Therefore, we need to adopt a different approach to interpreting his view that political and social change is subject to the transformation of vital energy and generation of ethics, and to the change and absence of change in the transformation of vital energy, and his progression from natural philosophy to historical concepts concerning the moral and ethical order and institutional change. Here lies the reason why we can gain a better understanding of the value orientation of Confucianism by examining Zhang’s philosophy from the viewpoint of his four ontological goals.
盛庆余平时还特别注重对年轻教师的培养，在教学中，常常指导年轻教师编写讲义、制作课件、命制试卷、规范书写教案等，很多年轻教师进步非常明显，并在教学工作中慢慢崭露头角。
Bibliography of Cited Translations
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
❋ Zhang Zijun is lecturer in the School of Politics and Administration at China West Normal University and a doctoral student of philosophy in the Yuelu Academy at Hunan University. E-mail: vipman.zhang@foxmail.com
Translator’s notes:
i Fuxi 伏羲, Shennong 神农, Huangdi 黄帝, Yao 尧, Shun 舜, Yu 禹, and Tang 汤 were Confucian sage-kings in ancient China. In chronological order, Fuxi, Shennong, Huangdi, Yao, and Shun were legendary rulers; Yu and Tang were the founders of the Xia (ca. 2070 —1600 BCE) and the Shang (1600—1046 BCE) dynasties, respectively.
ii The Five Classics refer to the Book of Songs, the Book of History, the Book of Rites, the Book of Changes, and the Spring and Autumn Annals.
iii The Four Books refer to the Great Learning, the Doctrine of the Mean, the Analects, and the Mencius.
30 Yang Jianhong 杨建宏, “Zhang Zai’s Thought on Confucianism and His Exertion” [论张载的礼学思想及其实践],Journal of Hunan University (Social Sciences) [湖南大学学报（社会科学版）], no. 2 (2006): 38—42.
31 Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao, Additional Works of the Chengs of Henan [河南程氏外书], in vol. 5 of Collected Works of the Two Chengs, 375.
❋ Wang Xiaonong is professor in the School of Foreign Languages at Ludong University.
Translated by Wang Xiaonong❋
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