New Political Trends in Africa and the Impact on China-Africa Relations
Li Wentao and Sun Hong*
Abstract: During the past few years, African political development has demonstrated positive trends: democratic election practices and civilmilitary relations have become more rational; multi-party democracy has led to diversified patterns, with Party-led administrations becoming a marked phenomenon in several countries; endogenous political values have become highlighted, and developmental state theory has surged,propelling reforms in governance models. African countries are eagerly exploring paths of development that are suited to their conditions, and pushing forward transformations in both the economy and governance. In the meantime, African countries remain vulnerable to the tumultuous external environment, and as such suffer from certain“growing pains”as part of this process. These trends will consolidate the strategic base of China-Africa cooperation. The prospects of a closer China-Africa community with a shared future are becoming more promising.
Keywords: African politics,political development,Sino-Africa relations
C urrent political democratization in Africa dates back to the 1990s, and to the present day remains far from realized. Ideology clashes between imported Western democracy and local political traditions have marked the past three decades. Multi-party democracy, largely accepted by practically every African country, has absorbed“local genes”, and takes on different features from country to country. African countries and regional organizations have resolved some chronic problems, while new issues continue to emerge and require urgent attention from all sides. As one of Africa’s most important strategic partners, China is able to directly perceive the dynamics of these changes. Likewise,Africa pays attention to the great achievements made by China since the 18th CPC Congress.Against this backdrop, the sharing of experience in governance constitutes one importantcornerstone ofthe shared future ofthe China-Africa community.
一直沉默着的海力举起了手请求陈述，得到准予后，他先向观众和审判长分别鞠了一躬，随即语调低沉地说：“我要说的是一个与本案无关的事件。我叫海力，也叫王小林，就是当年与龙斌一起值班、逃跑保命的那个贪生怕死的家伙。而今英雄妻子下岗陷入困境，而我这种东西却做了老板，面对英雄妻子我会怎么想，会怎么做，会去伤害玷污她吗？我还是个人吗？我今天参与诉讼，并不是想为自己讨个清白，我早已没清白可言。我只想请求社会给英雄一个公道，还英雄妻子一个清白。谢谢!”
New Political Trends
The multi-party system has witnessed endless ideology collisions with local political traditions, disturbing African economic developments, and social stability. This ongoing structural interaction may be regarded as the Achilles heel of African politics, and has led to some pessimistic criticism of its future direction. Over the past two decades, imported Western democracy, with a similar set of institutions, has developed into different morphologies.It is worth mentioning that African elites have never stopped integrating local traditional political practices into this system, as they seek to form the best possible complimentary system, while mitigating potential contradictions. In the meantime, they have also been exploring political ideologies and governance models to suit their own national contexts,without rejecting the experiences of other countries.This article attempts to outline recent African political trends from four aspects: elections, political parties,governance models and regional organizations.
人工智能乐观派认为，两种相反趋势的综合作用，并不会导致就业危机。譬如，汽车出现后，消灭了马车司机这项职业，但增加了汽车司机这项职业，并没有导致就业危机。但是，这种乐观主义面对一些质疑:第一，由于只有一个地球，新技术对就业的补偿效应是否能持续扩大?第二，新技术对就业的补偿效应和破坏效应是否可以持平?第三，人工智能跟以前的技术相比，是否具有同质性?
I. More rational democratic election practices and civil-military relations
Elections that are held regularly and fairly are a core benchmark for measuring the maturity of African politics. Elections characterized by chaos, often associated with tribal and social unrest, have long been a chronic ailment for African politics. The past few years, however, have witnessed some positive change. Since 2010, election-related conflicts have decreased remarkably.Since 2014,turbulent elections have been quite rare. In 2014, ten countries held peaceful legislative and presidential elections. In 2015, of twelve elections held, only the Burundi presidential elections turned into large-scale riots. Fourteen elections were held successfully in 2016, including two controversial cases. Gabon’s presidential votes have scarcely encountered conflict. Gambia’s election crisis was peacefully resolved through the mediation of ECOWAS. In 2017, four elections passed smoothly, with the exception of the recordbreaking presidential election in Kenya, where for the first time in history the Supreme Court annulled the election results. International observers were concerned that this situation could exacerbate tribal rivalries, and some even predicted a repetition of the post-2007 election tensions.Nonetheless, the rerun elections progressed fairly calmly, with President Kenyatta reelected for a second five-year term. Looking at the above figures,it is safe to say that the stereotype of chaotic African elections is no longer a tenable argument. More than twenty years after the end of the Cold War, most African countries have experienced four to six presidential elections. Democratic values and electoral practices have been largely accepted by the public. The peaceful transfer of power is now commonplace. Interaction between the civil government and the military is maturing. Military coups have become widely unaccepted by both the public and regional institutions since the 1960s. No African country has experienced a coup d’état since 2014.1 The 2014 Constitutional Crisis in Burkina Faso led to the resignation and exile abroad of President Blaise Compaore. The military took over afterwards. This event was not deemed to be a military coup by the African Union. Although President Mugabe stepped down under the pressure of the military, both the AU and the SADC avoided referring to this event as a military coup, instead praising the army’s restrained and orderly actions.
II.Increasingly diversified multi-party democracy patterns
Three new features should not be ignored. Firstly, power relations between the political parties have become quite diversified. In the late 1980s, there were approximately 130 legally registered political parties.This number increased to 1,800 in the mid-1990s.Currently,2,300 political parties are registered in the sub-Saharan African countries. Based on the power relations between the ruling party and the opposition, one could roughly classify these parties into three categories.The first could be called the one-party-dominant system, in which the ruling party, consisting predominantly of former revolutionary parties, enjoys long-term widespread support. Most eastern and southern African countries fall into this category. This includes Ethiopia, South Africa, Namibia, Angola and Rwanda. The second is a competitively balanced party system, featuring sometimes tribal politics. Countries with parties of this type are generally speaking influenced profoundly by Western democracy, for example Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, Sierra Leone, etc. The third is a fragmented party system.Several parties form a ruling coalition to dominate parliament.This system can be seen in countries plagued by war or dogged by regime collapse,such as Lesotho,DRC,Libya,and the Central African Republic.
Secondly, tribalism has begun to fade from its prominent role in African politics. Ethnicity-based party politics continue to contribute to chaotic power struggles in Africa. Many African countries have prohibited any form of ethnicity-based campaign. Former ethnic parties have transformed into more inclusive ones. In Kenya, for example, the 2007 presidential elections were marked by massive tribal conflicts, prompting domestic elites and international observers to rethink and finally to impose a ban on campaigning on ethnic interests during the 2013 and 2017 general elections that followed. Nigeria has been characterized by one of the most acute ethnic conflicts in Africa. The main political parties have tried to break ethnic and regional cleavages, promoting integration and inclusivity.President Buhari has assembled and integrated three ethnic and regional parties into the All Progressive Congress party in an attempt to better represent the country.
Thirdly, the long-term ruling parties are facing mounting pressure. In some countries, the ruling party has found itself lagging behind the rapidly changing world. Party unity and governance capacity building all present serious threats. Since 2014, the approval rate of many of the long-term ruling parties has dropped dramatically, with Tanzania, Congo and Mozambique hitting record lows. In Nigeria, the People’s Democratic Party even lost the election to the APC. The oldest and most prestigious political party in Africa, the ANC of South Africa, has found itself trapped in infighting. During the 2016 local elections, the ANC secured only slightly over 50 percent of the vote, and it lost the three biggest metropolitan centers of Johannesburg,Pretoria and Cape Town.
Thirdly, political and economic populism are expanding out of control in some African countries. South Africa is the most advanced and vibrant economy on the continent. However, the government is deeply troubled by an entrenched social security crisis, which leads to a surging populism that is rocking the already crumbling political and economic order. In the sphere of political affairs, the radicalized Economic Freedom Fighters(EFF), advocating xenophobic emotions and radical land reform, is receiving mounting support in local elections. In the economic and social sphere, massive cross-sector strikes hit a new record on those of 1994. In 2015, 2016 and 2017, xenophobic unrests caused further damage to South Africa’s international image, and its influence on the continent is consequently diminishing.
数据化的意义在于正在变革人们原有的生活方式。电商场景数据信息库已成为时代的刚需。诸多行业、商业都根植于数据，并通过数据完成迭代，凭借算法完成优化。电子商务数据化是指要悉心洞察商务个体存在的新意义，运用新的连接方法、数据手段，快速制定出被测试、量化的电商场景数据化方案。
III. More homegrown solutions reintroduced into the African political system
The third term creates not only a collision in political ideologies, but also disturbs social order, the effects of which are potentially felt throughout the whole subregion, especially when external countries interfere. Small, weak states with entrenched internal estrangement have found themselves in a crisis.The great lakes region is one of the most crisis plagued areas. The re-election of President Nkurunziza of Burundi in 2015 saw him placed under multiple sanctions from European countries and the US. In 2016-2017, an unprecedentedly active opposition repeatedly confronted the leadership with armed forces, and this led to the deaths of hundreds,and to the fleeing of tens of thousands of civilians to neighboring countries. The situation in DRC could trigger an even more serious crisis.Situated at the heart of the African continent, DRC is notorious in modern times for its ethnic conflicts, numerous armed forces in the east, and diplomatic wrestling. From 1998 to 2003, ten parties, including nine sovereign countries, have been involved in the deadliest yet Second Congo War, which has caused millions of deaths. The presidential election of the DRC has been postponed several times already, and could potentially trigger new conflicts both domestically and in the region as a whole.
Against this backdrop, the developmental state or state development capitalism has drawn wide support.This concept was introduced from East Asia,and successfully adapted into local conditions in several countries.The characteristics of this developmental concept may be summarized as follows:firstly,economic development and the improvement of people’s livelihoods are core objectives. Industrial policies have been prioritized to speed up economic growth and achieve leapfrogging development. Government regulationandplanningareprioritized,basedonamarketeconomy.Secondly,a powerful and strong government is highly advocated. Long-term rule and social stability are the fundamental bases for governments to mobilize efficiently and to distribute public resources. Thirdly, in terms of diplomacy, independence and diversity are core principles. Preserving multi-party democracy is a way of winning the recognition of the West and the multilateral financial institutions, while firmly rejecting any form of external interference in a country’s domestic affairs,as well as any form of ideological infiltration. In the meantime, Look East is becoming popular among those countries. The African countries show willingness to strengthen their economic cooperation with China and the other emerging economies and to take learning from their experiences in governance.
African political ecology is maturing in a generally positive way.Nonetheless, new problems continue to emerge, and pose serious challenges for African governments.
IV.The role of regional organizations is strengthened
未来使用CRISPR/Cas抗菌药物的研究重点可以放在生物膜形成上[22-25]。细菌生物膜层内层居住着持久性细胞，这些细胞是常规细胞的休眠变体，其存在使病原体对包括抗生素在内的许多应激都具有高度耐受性[23]。CRISPR/Cas技术将有助于对这些过程进行基因剖析，能够专一地靶向致病细菌，同时使诸如人类微生物群的非病原性细菌群体不受影响。因此，将来可能需要详细描述患者微生物群的组成，以避免对有益的共生群体进行不必要的目标定位。
2003～2004年，“大头娃娃”事件告诉公众婴幼儿必须食用专门的婴幼儿配方奶粉，婴幼儿奶粉开始井喷式发展。2008年，三聚氰胺事件导致国产奶粉信任危机，进口奶粉趁机抢占国内市场。2009～2015年，中国婴幼儿配方奶粉市场开始品牌配方混战，配方大幅增加，产能供大于求。2016年10月1日，为扭转我国婴配粉配方过多过乱，包装涉嫌虚假夸大等乱象，政府发布“奶粉新政”，市场上80%的婴配粉配方将退出市场。2018年1月1日，奶粉新政将落地实施，标志着婴配粉行业进入后奶粉时代。
New Challenges
In amidst these new political values, homegrown solutions have been emphasized by an increasing number of African countries, among which Ethiopia and Rwanda are two outstanding examples. Ethiopia, to use its own term, is a“democratic developmental state”: political power is highly concentrated in the hands of the ruling party. Democracy should be controllable and coordinated with economic development. Long-term stable rule is guaranteed towards national sustainable development. Market economy principles are combined with government regulations prioritizing infrastructure and industrialization.Industrial parks have been developed in each administrative region to attract foreign capital into labor-intensive sectors. Guided by this ideology, Ethiopia has risen to become one of the world’s fastest growing economies, with an average 10 percent growth over the past 15 years. While its African peers are suffering deindustrialization, Ethiopian has witnessed an average industrial output growth of 13 percent. The industrial sector contributes 15.2 percent of GDP. Rwanda has been praised as an African development model for its efforts to explore its own development path. The iron-waist and highly respected President Kagame has established Africa’s most efficient and clean government. The 2017 World Bank Doing Business Report ranked Rwanda second in Africa after Mauritius. Rwanda’s progress towards the Millennium Development Goals is to a large extent a success story.However, reception to the Rwanda model has been quite different in Africa to the West. In the African media many consider it to be the future of the continent. The president of the African Export-Import Bank praised Rwanda as the“the shiniest star on the continent”in terms of“governance and the can-do spirit.”Olusegun Obasanjo, the former Nigerian president,said that“Rwanda has made difficult trade-offs. But as an African leader, I tell you that I would make the same trade-offs.”1 Simon Allison,“Like it or not, Rwanda is Africa’s future,”July 7, 2017,accessed November,2018,https://mg.co.za/article/2017-07-07-00-like-it-or-not-rwanda-is-africas-future. Conversely, mainstream opinion in the West is that the model is non-sustainable and non-universal when it comes to Rwanda’s strongman and authoritarian rule. The Economist wrote“Many Africans see Kagame’s Rwanda as a model.They are wrong.”2 “Many Africans see Kagame’s Rwanda as a model. They are wrong,”July 15,2017, accessed November 1, 2018, https://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21725000-its-recovery-after-genocide-has-been-impressive-land-ruled-fear-can-never-be-happy. By all accounts, this model offers an alternative from existing theory to African countries exploring their own development path.
I. The collision between Western and local traditional values put African countries in a dilemma.
Currently,African political development features two major axes. One is the ongoing transition from post-colonial societies to modern democracy through the integration of Western political values with local ideologies.The other is the reintroduction and reformation of traditional political practices towards exploring a path that can accommodate national conditions. These two axes proceed concurrently, and inevitably collide.The Third Term phenomenon is one of numerous symptoms of this collision. Over the past few years, several African leaders have attempted to amend the constitution in order to stay in power for longer. Most of these leaders have experienced the failure of the localization of the Western political system,weak government,a low level of implementation capacity,policy discontinuity, to name just a few. Extending their term is regarded by many as an effort to adjust Western democracy, and to lay a more solid foundation for national sustainable development. Public attitudes towards this phenomenon are mixed.A poll conducted by Afrobarometer shows that 73 percent choose to support imposing term limits, but with country-tocountry differences. Respondents in Rwanda and Congo were generally in favor of the removal of term limits, while there was more of a split in opinion in Uganda and Burundi. Most of the interviewees in DRC and Zimbabwe are against the removal of the term limit.Taking a closer look at the political situation in the above countries, one could conclude that clean government, economic growth and a public sense of fulfillment are the core benchmarks when it comes to evaluation of the Third Term issue. In Rwanda, President Kagame has striven to build a clean government, to eliminate ethnic hatred and to stimulate economic growth,and this has won him a high approval rating. By contrast, Zimbabwe has seen a sluggish economy in recent years, and rampant corruption, and this has directly led to the resignation of President Mugabe.
African countries have been quite proactive in exploring their own development paths, by adding certain African elements into their governance practices.Since the end of the Cold War,several countries have established capable political institutions, in sharp contrast with the East Asian countries. Over the past few years, the African political leadership has been rethinking mainstream political theories, and has formulated its own thoughts. As to neo-liberalism and the Washington consensus, they realize that the role of government in economic and social development is indispensable. However, the socialist planning system is not the solution to integrating the African economy into the world market, especially after repeated failed experiments in the planning economy and nationalization.When it comes to the Dependency Theory, advocated principally by Samir Amin, and the World-systems Theory of Immanuel Wallerstein, the political elites appear to dislike the determinism of the two theories,preferring a stronger initiative of African countries.
The African Union (AU), the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and other subregional organizations stand as important unity platforms for member countries.The past few years have seen the Western powers diverting more attention and resources back home,leaving more space for African regional organizations to play their parts. On the one hand, the regional organizations have been actively mediating hotspot issues and making satisfying achievements. Burkina Faso, for example, has been plagued by two consecutive crises: the constitutional crisis in October 2014 and the military coup in September 2015. The AU and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) played a key role in the peaceful transition of power from the military to civilians. In the 2017 Gambia electoral crisis, the AU and the ECOWAS joined hands again, and were quick to intervene militarily, action that was instrumental in forcing out the outgoing President Jammeh. On the other hand, the regional organizations have been also relatively successful in countering external interference.Two outstanding examples are related to the International Criminal Court(ICC) and the Third Term issue. Since its establishment, the ICC has been criticized for its interference in African judicial affairs, and provoked countermeasures from the AU. The 2017 AU summit passed successive resolutions urging non-cooperation with the ICC in the arrest of al-Bashir and the suspension of ICC cases involving crimes in Darfur and Kenya.Ultimately, it requested an AU strategy on the ICC that included the issue of withdrawal. In 2014 and 2016, the ICC dropped charges against the Kenyan President and Vice-President.Many observers have viewed this act as a victory for a united Africa.As for the controversial Third Term issue in Burundi, the military intervention plan advocated by the West was aborted after strong EAC opposition.
II.Governance is the key to political stability.
Decade-long rapid growth has given rise to multiple challenges in terms of urbanization, industrialization, modernization and social structure adjustment. Social justice has become a prominent problem. The relationship between the government and the public, rich and poor,employer and worker are far more complicated than before.It is reasonable to say that social governance is a far more complicated task than peace and security. Some of the problems require systematic resolution, which happens to be one of the weaknesses of African governments.
Firstly, the asymmetry between growth and stability, particularly in a transitional period, is a severe potential risk. As Huntington put it, while modernity equals stability, modernization is in itself a cause for instability.African countries are still in the middle of transitioning from traditional societies to modern societies.Rapid economic growth creates violent social change. The differentiation of interests, the widening gap between the rich and the poor, and an increasingly disordered society pose severe threats to the ruling political elites.In 2015-2017,Ethiopia,the once-named“Anchor of Stability”, was thrown into nationwide unrest, triggered by land requisition, and this soon gave rise to the current ethnic conflicts, which have led to more than 600 deaths. This represents the first and largest social unrest faced by the ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), since it seized power in 1991.The Prime Minister was forced to resign last year.
Secondly, the urbanization boom could potentially lead to social unrest. The African continent has the world’s highest fertility rate of 3.9 percent. 500 million people are living in urban areas. However, African urbanization lacks the integrated policies to ensure adequate access to jobs,education and the other basic needs of city dwellers. Deindustrialization in many African countries has further squeezed the living space for urban youths. Village youths who are moving to the city in the hope of finding opportunities aplenty are instead finding themselves still living in poverty.Kinshasa and Lusaka are the two African capitals with the fastest-growing population, and the highest youth unemployment rate. In 2016-2017, mass unrests erupted on the streets of Lusaka. The urban poor and unemployed youths were the main perpetrators.
Aside from the above three trends, African party politics have witnessed a surging reformist trend. Several long-term ruling parties have decided to expunge the negative impact brought about by certain highprofile party members in order to preserve their party image. In South Africa, for example, President Zuma, who is marked by scandal, in particular his corrupt relationship with the Gupta family, and his embezzlement of state funds to upgrade his private house, was first replaced by Cyril Ramaphosa as the leader of the ANC in December 2017,and then forced to resign as South Africa’s president in February 2018.Less than 24 hours later, the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, announced his resignation amid a lingering political crisis.Earlier, in 2017, the president of Angola, Dos Santos, who ruled the oilrich country for 38 years, retired from politics. His stepping down was regarded as a compromise under heavy pressure from the MPLA ruling party. His daughter was subsequently ousted as head of the national oil company Sonangol by his successor President Lorenço, in a move widely viewed to demonstrate to the public that the country and the ruling party cannot be an individual’s personal fiefdom.
III. The strategic adjustments of Western countries and changes in the international security environment also have an impact on African political security.
Secondly, Africa is embroiled in geopolitical disputes in the Middle East. Historically, the two regions maintained close relations. Among the 22 members of the Arab League, 10 are African countries. Saudi Arabia,Turkey and Qatar are countries that have the most profound influence in Northern Africa, the Horn of Africa and African Muslim countries. In recent years, some African countries have become involved in the fierce geopolitical infighting of the Middle East. Since 2015, Saudi Arabia has attempted to lure African countries with large investment sums in order to force its African peers to pick sides in its fights with Iran and Qatar. In the Horn of Africa,the Gulf States and Egypt support Eritrea in response to the diplomatic neutrality of Ethiopia and Djibouti. The political infighting between different parties in Somalia is supported by Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia respectively.
There are three main external factors impacting on African political order and stability. Firstly, Western strategic uncertainty could lead to regional disorder. In recent years, the West has decreased the amount of resources it invests in Africa. The EU is focused on illegal migrants, and US President Trump has shown little interest in Africa since he took office.While Africa is highly dependent on the West in terms of security, this strategic withdrawal has created a security vacuum that cannot be filled in a short space of time. In the meantime, the West feels reluctant to sideline the continent completely. For example, Western powers have been designing an exit strategy to deal with the political or peace processes in countries such as Mali, South Sudan, Somalia, Libya and the Central African Republic,and this could drive these states into anarchy once again.In countries such as DRC and Burundi, some Western countries are believed to be plotting regime change. This uncertainty will harm African political stability.
Thirdly, there is the threat of terrorism returning in the post-ISIS era.The Islamic State to some extent absorbed African terrorists into the Middle East, easing the security pressure in Africa. However, with the crumbling of ISIS, the nearly 6,000 jihadists of African origin may return and launch attacks in Africa, particularly in the Sahel region and the Horn of Africa.
The Impact on China-African Cooperation
As one of Africa’s most important strategic partners, China feels directly the impact of the changes in African politics. Generally speaking,the deepening sense of ownership and ideological innovation has had a positive impact on China-Africa relations. In the meantime, China-Africa cooperation is also adjusting and becoming more adapted to Africa’s multiparty system.
First of all, the increasing sense of ownership is beneficial for comprehensive strategic cooperation between China and Africa. The concept of ownership means that African countries are shaking off the old approach of mimicking simple external systems and values, and turning instead to proactive exploration of paths that can accommodate their own national conditions, with China serving as an important point of reference.The approach of these African countries in pursuing their own political path will not be a rejection or alienation of China. Instead, there will be increasing willingness between the two sides to cooperate on issues such as political philosophy, development models and governance experience sharing. From 2011 to 2016, at least 1,600 senior African party officials visited China to share their experiences of governance. China has also surpassed the UK and the US to receive the second largest number of African students, after France. Secondly, the developmental state ideology has had a positive influence on African countries’view of the world and China. The past few years have seen new rounds of power shifting.Western governments have to deal with long-standing structural problems,the European economic recession, Brexit, and the populist Trump being elected as US President, all of which reflects their political decay and democratic dysfunction. By contrast, China is maintaining its development momentum, and draws the attention of Africa’s leaders, especially for its achievements in poverty reduction and industrialization. The November 2016 Afrobarometer report shows that China is the second most popular development model for African respondents. African governments are attaching more importance to long term planning, and to strategic coordination in its cooperation with China. For example, some African countries have requested to join in the Belt and Road Initiative. Ethiopia,Senegal have promulgated the Industrial Park strategy by integrating some of China’s experiences. Finally, the uncertainty caused by African multiparty politics in China-Africa cooperation is decreasing. Since the 1990s, the transfer of power from one party to another in African countries would typically destabilize bilateral relations with China. This is because China is used to building and maintaining good relations with key people or the ruling party. Close relationship with the opposition has always been a taboo for Chinese diplomats. Nonetheless, with China’s influence expanding in Africa,and African electoral practices maturing,China-Africa cooperation is suffering less than before from the shifts in power.
根据图1，对照组和实验组下肢骨骼肌IEMG贡献率基本一致。从大到小依次为股外侧肌、胫骨前肌、股内侧肌、股直肌、阔筋膜张肌、股二头肌、腓肠肌、臀大肌。
经过长期的实践研究最终确定了一、二轮复习课的模式 ，教师要熟练掌握和运用，以适当调整变通，突出时间分配的变式。
Current strategic cooperation between China and Africa is fairly solid.The general political development trends in Africa appear to be beneficial for both sides. However, new risks and threats should not be ignored.Firstly,African countries now have higher expectations of China, some of which might challenge China’s political willingness and diplomatic capabilities. Apart from economic cooperation, Africa is increasingly expecting China to offer more public goods in the political and security spheres, especially at a time when the West has decreased their input to Africa. As for China, constructive engagements in African political and security affairs cannot be productive without the investment first of heavy diplomatic resources, not to mention the associated risks. In the meantime,China’s relationship with the US and with neighboring countries remains the most urgent priorities. With China’s overseas interests expanding in Africa, whether and how to intervene in a crisis are key questions to consider before it acts.This also requires sufficient knowledge,intelligence and capable diplomats on the ground, which are China’s most obvious areas of weakness.
Secondly, relations with civil society and populism could impact on China-Africa cooperation.African civil society is an important democratic force during the transitional period. However, China lacks the techniques and experience to work with civil society and the other forms of people-topeople exchange. The low-end and uncontrollable activities of some Chinese people in Africa have been sharply criticized by local and Western media, who have cited Chinese people“stealing jobs from Africans”and“plundering resources”. Some African politicians even attribute high unemployment rates and deindustrialization to China’s activities on the continent. In their book Charting the Roots of Anti-Chinese Populism in Africa, American scholars Steve Hess and Richard Aidoo point out that China has the most impressive economic footprint on the continent, and has most to suffer from African populism, especially in transitional countries, where political and social institutions are weak, and public opinion is vulnerable to external manipulation. In authoritarian countries such as Ethiopia and Rwanda,or a matured democracy such as Ghana,anti-Chinese emotions are quite rare.
Thirdly, governance experience sharing between China and Africa should respond to new requests and resolve new problems. Some Chinese scholars ignore the pressing needs of their African counterparts to learn from experience in poverty alleviation, industrial policy making and ethnic unity, etc. Governance experience sharing should be a two-way communication. Teaching with condescension should be avoided.Furthermore, the Look East trend is not solely about China. Each African country has its own national conditions, different demands and needs for developmental experience. Some countries are deeply influenced by the West,even holding biased opinions towards China.It is therefore necessary for China to respond with discretion to the different needs of each African country,while sharing experience in governance.
In conclusion, recent African political development trends offer more in the way of common language and shared values for China-Africa cooperation. This will consolidate the foundation for strategic cooperation,and help to build a closer China-Africa community of a shared future.
* Li Wentao is the deputy director and an associate research professor at the Institute of African Studies, CICIR. His research focuses on China-Africa relations,African peace and security issues. Sun Hong is an assistant research professor at the Institute of African Studies,CICIR.
(edited by Zhao Jinfu)
标签：African论文; politics论文; POLITICAL论文; DEVELOPMENT论文; Sino-Africa论文; relations论文; the Institute of African Studies论文; CICIR论文;