Reflections on Hong Kong
By ROBERT LAWRENCE KUHN
AMONG the topics I think I know well, I do not count Hong Kong. Although I visit Hong Kong, have friends there, and have researched the place for my writings — for example, its repatriation to China and the Asian Financial Crisis, both in 1997, and the recent Greater Bay Area coordinated development plan — I do not know Hong Kong like I know Beijing. Theat is why, when the protest movement began there, and then the violence, I was reluctant, at least initially, to accept interview requests from the international media. If I could not speak authoritatively, or at least confidently, I should not speak at all.
But as the situation kept deteriorating and the requests kept coming, I began to consider what I do know. I know how China's leaders think. In writing my book How China's Leaders Theink (Wiley, 2009), I spoke with dozens of Chinese leaders and officials, including then secretary of the CPC Zhejiang Provincial Committee Xi Jinping, who advised me to think about China both horizontally in its great geographic diversity and vertically in its long civilizational history.
When I am interviewed on Hong Kong, I begin with basics: Why is it so important to China? I offer five reasons: two economic, three political.
Thee first is that it has been the gateway for doing business in China, facilitating reform and opening-up and catalyzing the country's economic miracle. But with the rise of mainland markets, exemplified by Shanghai and Shenzhen, this role has diminished.
综上所述,对直径在5cm以上的细菌性肝脓肿,用超声引导下经皮穿刺置管引流术进行治疗较细针抽吸术更适合,疗效更优。
阿巴在海边捡到了一枚贝壳。他把贝壳放到了自己房间，就急急忙忙背着书包上学去了。突然，有个女孩挡在了他面前。
“学为中心”要求教师尽量减少对学生学习时间的占领，把学习的大部分时间交给学生，让学生自己“生发”知识。只有学生自已“生发”出来的浸润着学生自己血脉的知识才有生命，才是刻骨铭心的。
I continue to say that the central government will make the absolute minimum interventions necessary to safeguard these three red lines, but they will, under all circumstances, safeguard them.
I continue to say that the central government seeks the best for Hong Kong, stressing social stability, essential for economic development, and rule of law, essential for social development. Beijing will defer to the Hong Kong government as much as possible and as long as possible, thus sustaining the “one country, two systems” policy — but there are three red lines that cannot be crossed: movement toward Hong Kong independence or even quasi-independence; using Hong Kong to undermine the mainland's Party-led political system; and unending chaos such that Hong Kong's economic viability would be threatened.
Thee first political reason of Hong Kong's importance to China is that it exemplifies the “one country, two systems” policy that enables its special status. Thee second is that it represents China's historic reclamation, after over a century of oppression and humiliation. Thee third is that it reflects China's international image and soft power.
As the rioting is unrelenting, the rhetoric is escalating. In a recent media conference, Zhang Xiaoming, the director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, said the central authorities will never sit by if the situation in Hong Kong worsens to a turmoil that the SAR government cannot control.
Thee second economic reason is the “Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macau Greater Bay Area,” a vital strategy for transforming China's economy via coordinated development, and here it energizes regional integration. Thee Greater Bay Area gross domestic product is around US $1.7 trillion, 12 percent of China's GDP, and is projected to reach around US $3.5 trillion by 2030. If the Greater Bay Area were a country, its GDP would rank almost in the world's top 10.
Now, if social turmoil in Hong Kong seems unrelated to, say, poverty alleviation on the mainland, this is the crux of the matter, as seen by China's leaders. Let me explain.
For two years, I have been focusing on President Xi's targeted poverty alleviation campaign. I co-produced, wrote and hosted a documentary Voices from the Frontline: China's War on Poverty (which premiered recently in the United States).
Chaos is said to be the “enemy of the people” and, as a People's Daily commentary asserted: “If they are allowed to trample on the rule of law in Hong Kong, then Hong Kong's advantages and Hong Kong's competitiveness will be eroded.”
Given interconnectedness, the turmoil in Hong Kong cannot be much quarantined from all China, where stability has been the foundation for reform and development. Moreover, in his domestic policy, President Xi's pledges to win the “three tough battles” - preventing financial risks, reducing poverty, and tackling pollution.
China's broad economic growth has lifted over 750 million Chinese out of poverty, the greatest developmental success story in human history. But in late 2012, when Xi Jinping became China's senior leader, there were about 100 million Chinese who were intractably poor. Xi asserts that China cannot be a “moderately prosperous society” by 2020 — China's first national goal — if any of its citizens live below the line of absolute poverty. Hence, Xi mobilized the Party and the country to fight poverty.
Who can deny that China's astounding success in poverty alleviation is related to political stability and Party leadership? Five levels of local Party secretaries fight poverty - provincial, municipal, county, township, and village. Party officials cannot be promoted unless and until they fulfill their specific, numeric poverty alleviation goals. All forms of governance systems have trade-offs and only collective human wisdom can discern what is optimum for each social group under its own conditions at its own times. But I am rather confident that, under China's conditions and in these times, the vast majority of those hundreds of millions of Chinese who have been lifted out of poverty would be pleased that political stability enabled economic development and Party leadership delivered poverty alleviation.
第三，终生学习反庸人本性。从人生态度看，绝大多数人不可能终生学习。庸人或者因为选择平凡的生活，所以不想终生学习;或者因为不想终生学习，所以选择平凡的生活。不终生学习与平凡的生活互为因果。可以说，对于绝大多数人，要他终生学习，就等于要他死。从常情看，如果绝大多数不追求成功的常人要终生学习才能有份工作，维持生计，那人生太凄苦了。
Looking forward, Hong Kong is China's and will remain China's. While no doubt some radicals favor violence, and some Western politicians encourage protests, the challenge for Chinese wisdom is to see what it will take to secure the kind of robust stability that empowers creative, dynamic, knowledge-based development for the benefit of all. C
25例患者常规超声显示全部为多发，肝左右叶15例，肝右叶10例。常规超声显示病灶平均最大直径为(32.11±10.63)mm，平均最小直径为(12.44±9.29)mm；造影后平均最大直径为(33.87±12.94)mm，平均最小直径为(8.12±2.91)mm。病灶增强起始时间为(17.43±5.33)s，达峰时间为(22.40±7.29)s，低回声时间为(42.22±13.92)s，等回声时间为(23.98±4.53)s。动脉期病灶增强方式主要为整体增强、环状增强。
(Source: chinawatch.cn)